Kathleen FUNCHION

Developing a new EU anti-poverty strategy

I voted in favour of this report, which laid out the position of the European Parliament with regards to the Anti-Poverty Strategy. Among other things, the report set a goal for the eradication of poverty by 2035 and recognised poverty as a violation of human dignity undermining the full realisation of human rights.

Addressing subcontracting chains and the role of intermediaries in order to protect workers’ rights

I supported this report, which among other things, called on the Commission to propose a framework to limit subcontracting chains, especially for high-risk sectors.

Recommendation to the Council on EU priorities for the 70th session of the UN Commission on the Status of Women

This file set out what should be the council’s priorities at the 70th session of the UN Commission on the status of Women. It is a progressive and positive report, rightly focusing on access to justice for women and girls across the world. Many positive aspects include ending all forms of violence against women and girls including and not limited to financial, coercive, physical, psychological abuse, protecting and enhancing the important role of UN peacekeepers, proper training of judiciary members, the need to have properly funded legal aid, combatting traumatisation of victims, and more broadly, the important of peace and peace negotiations throughout the world, amongst other reasons. For these reasons I voted in favour.

World Cancer Day

I voted in favour of this resolution marking World Cancer Day, expressing solidarity with all patients, survivors, families, healthcare workers and researchers fighting cancer across Europe. It had many positive points, for example on gender disparities in cancer care and research, rare diseases, better cross-border access to specialised care, and the right to be forgotten. It was however troubling that some political groups sought to downplay the links between alcohol consumption and cancer; I voted to improve the language in the resolution on this issue.

Situation in Northeast Syria, the violence against civilians and the need to maintain a sustainable ceasefire

I voted in favour of this resolution as it rightly calls attention to the attacks on the Kurds and other groups in Syria. Though the resolution doesn't criticise the Syrian Transitional Government (STG) as strongly as it should nor the EU's lack of condemnation of the STG, it is nonetheless a positive step that this text was adopted.

EU strategic defence and security partnerships

I voted against this report as it is largely militaristic and attempts to cast the EU's diplomatic relations with other countries through a purely security dimension. Overall most of the report concerns the EU-NATO relationship and how to further develop it without any regard for the position of Member States who are neutral.

European Central Bank – annual report 2025

The rapporteur clearly decided to keep it as technical as possible and to avoid any major political statements. This means he avoids any real criticism of the ECB but it also rejects many right wing criticisms which the far right tried to introduce (ECB as inflation pushers, too concerned about climate etc). Left wing criticism around an overly strict interpretation of its mandate and ECB silence on deregulation are absent too unfortunately. I abstained.

Drones and new systems of warfare – the EU‘s need to adapt to be fit for today‘s security challenges

I voted against this report as there a number of provisions which we would fundamentally oppose. These include, calls for Member States to align with NATO doctrine, encouraging the use of drones in Frontex missions and establishing an EU-NATO drone coordination cell. It also calls for the European Defence Agency to establish a drone fund, thereby further directing public money to armaments.

Choice of performance indicators for audit and budgetary control in the context of financing measures to support the implementation of future European competitiveness

Despite this report containing some positive aspects in moving towards a new manner of evaluating the implementation of EU measures, I voted against this report as it calls for deregulation which would undermine objectives of the EU in areas such as workers rights and the environment.

European technological sovereignty and digital infrastructure

I voted against this report. While reducing Europe’s dependence on non-EU digital infrastructure is important, this text defines technological sovereignty mainly in terms of competitiveness, market expansion and deregulation. It prioritises private investment and scaling companies over democratic control, strong social protections and environmental safeguards. Rather than building sovereignty around high standards, public purpose and sustainability, the report risks reinforcing a race to the bottom and further concentrating corporate power. For these reasons, I could not support this report.

Resolution on the brutal repression against protesters in Iran

I oppose the state violence and repression of protestors in Iran and support the right to protest no matter where that may be. However, I abstained on this report as the repression in Iran should not be used by the EU as a justification to contribute to further instability in the region or to serve geopolitical goals.

Resolution on the attempted takeover of Lithuania’s public broadcaster and the threat to democracy in Lithuania

I supported this resolution that defends the independence of the Lithuanian public broadcaster. I also support the inclusion of lanugage to support accountability and transparency at public broadcasters.

Implementation of the common security and defence policy – annual report 2025

I voted against this report which advocates for the further militarisation of the EU and consistently conflates the role of the EU and NATO.

Human Rights and Democracy in the world and the European Union’s policy on the matter – annual report 2025

I voted in favour of this positive report which has strong language on issues such as gender equality, protecting international law and tackling human rights abuses. There is good language on Gaza and Sudan in the FEMM opinion to this report which I was happy to support.

Addressing impunity through EU sanctions, including the EU Global Human Rights sanctions regime (so called “EU Magnitsky Act”)

I voted against this report which despite some positive elements, supports a sanctions first approach placing great faith in restrictive measures without sufficiently questioning their broader geopolitical use, their impact on ordinary people, or the risk of instrumentalising human rights for EU strategic interests.

The 28th Regime: a new legal framework for innovative companies

I voted against this report on The "28th regime" as it is presented as a measure to reduce red tape and support innovative companies but the proposed 28th regime and this report represents moves towards excessive centralisation at EU level. This risks weakening Member State sovereignty, particularly in areas of national competence, such as tax powers.

Implementation of the rule of law conditionality regime

I voted in favour of this report, which outlines problems with the current implementation of the rule of law conditionality regime. The EU budget should be protected from Member States that undermine democracy and threaten the freedoms of citizens.

Decarbonisation and modernisation of EU fisheries, and the development and deployment of fishing gear

I voted in favour of this report, which outlines a number of means to help the fishing industry to decarbonise and modernise. The report outlines that the EMFAF and other supports to fishermen should be increased in order to improve technology and equipment, and to safeguard fishermen who take part in pilot projects. Although this report has some shortcomings, such as a lack of specific support for small fishermen, the industry, which is reliant on fossil fuels, should be supported to move towards carbon neutrality.

Resolution on the continuous Belarusian hybrid attacks against Lithuania

I recognise the legitimate concerns of Lithuania, and its right to protect its airspace from balloons and drones crossing the border from Belarus – much of it for the purpose of smuggling. I do not believe that the focus on EU-NATO cooperation, militarisation of the border and general military escalation is the best way forward, excluding diplomacy, confidence-building measures or possible multilateral solutions.

Military mobility

I voted against this report, which is focused on preparation for – rather than avoidance of – war. Among other things, I oppose the re-allocation of funding from Cohesion Funds and the Recovery and the Resilience Facility towards investments in defence or dual-use infrastructure to foster military mobility. I am also very concerned about the way in which the EU Treaties are being ignored in order to use EU funds for military purposes, while bypassing the unanimity principle on legally dubious grounds.

European Defence Readiness 2030: assessment of needs

I voted against this report because it proposes to further militarise the EU budget and would present hugely negative social consequences in the context of the next MFF.

Digitalisation, artificial intelligence and algorithmic management in the workplace – shaping the future of work

I supported this report, which calls on the Commission to present a legislative proposal on digitalisation, artificial intelligence and algorithmic management in the workplace. Among other things, the report is strong on collective bargaining, with many references throughout the text regarding engagements with workers and their representatives. The report is also strong in the area of transparency mechanisms, and calls for human oversight and for candidates undergoing a recruitment procedure to be able to receive relevant information on automated decision-making systems used during the recruitment procedure.

Resolution on the European citizens’ initiative entitled ‘My Voice, My Choice: For Safe and Accessible Abortion’

I voted in favour of this European Citizens’ Initiative, which calls on the EU to use its existing powers to support safe and accessible abortion care, including through a voluntary financial mechanism for Member States, whilst respecting Member States’ competences. ECIs play a crucial role in amplifying European citizens’ voices, and this initiative has mobilised broad support across Europe, including Irish organisations. We must continue to do everything we can to stand up for reproductive rights and basic healthcare for women.

Relations between the EU and Saudi Arabia

I voted against this report, which seeks to whitewash the human rights record of Saudi Arabia. The surge in executions, violations of due process, repression of peaceful dissent, travel bans on women human rights defenders and severe exploitation of migrant workers all evidence systemic human rights violations. The deepening of EU-Saudi relations should be conditional on tangible human rights progress. This should include a moratorium on the death penalty, the ratification of core UN and ILO conventions, and reforms to comply with international human and labour rights standards. Without such conditionality, the European Parliament falls short of defending a principled EU foreign policy, and misses the opportunity to insist that human and labour rights, justice and the rule of law need to play a fundamental role in EU-Saudi relations.

Implementation of the EU-UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement

Relationships between the EU and third countries should be based on friendship between people and mutually beneficial trade and cooperation. I am unhappy about the excessive focus in this report to focus on military issues, which is part of a wider tendency of the EU to see relationships with third countries in military and geostrategic terms. However, given the step forward in the report with regard to Irish unity, its strong focus on human rights (including the Legacy Act). and its recognition of Irish neutrality I voted in favour.

EU strategy for the rights of persons with disabilities post-2024

This is a positive and forward-looking report, which reflects many of the our priorities. It incorporates our proposals and goes beyond narrow labour-market measures by calling for stronger action in essential areas such as healthcare, social protection and housing. This ensures a genuinely holistic approach to social inclusion for persons with disabilities. Crucially, the report demands enforceable targets and quotas to deliver real, measurable progress on employment. It also urges both the EU and the Member States to fully implement the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, backed by proper monitoring mechanisms and dedicated funding. Finally, it supports the creation of an employment and skills guarantee for persons with disabilities and reinforces the child guarantee, helping to ensure access to training opportunities and meaningful, quality jobs. Overall, this report marks an important step towards equality, inclusion and the realisation of fundamental rights for persons with disabilities.

Application of the Treaty provisions related to the principles of subsidiarity and proportionality and the role of national parliaments in the EU legislative process

I supported both the alternative resolution and the final resolution. We have seen with its militarisation agenda in particular and how the EU and the Commission are making legally questionable moves such as ReArm Europe. I especially welcome the emphasis on empowering national parliaments – something which should be taken more seriously by the Oireachtas.

Resolution on the escalation of the war and the humanitarian catastrophe in Sudan

I voted in favour of this resolution which outlines the scale of the war in Sudan and calls for a ceasefire. Unfortunately the resolution fails to address the role of third countries (particularly the UAE) in fomenting the conflict, arming and financing the RSF.

Resolution on the political situation in Myanmar including the humanitarian crisis of the Rohingya

I voted to condemn the military junta for the 2021 coup, widespread atrocities and the organisation of illegitimate 2025-2026 elections. I support the call for release of political prisoners and for an immediate end to violence. I welcome the resolutions highlighting of the worsening humanitarian crisis – especially for the Rohingya – and urging for more EU and international aid, arms embargoes and accountability through the ICC and ICJ, as well as calls for closer EU-ASEAN cooperation.

Resolution on the EU position on the proposed plan and EU engagement towards a just and lasting peace for Ukraine

I abstained on this resolution because, although there were elements I am supportive of – such as respect for international law, calls for Ukrainian participation in the peace process and the prosecution of war crimes – there were seriously negative elements which I could not support. Most concerning is that in paragraph 5 there is a call for Ukraine's security guarantees to take the form of Article 5 of the NATO Treaty, essentially stating that there should be an obligation for states to become militarily involved if Ukraine is invaded again. This could lead to an unprecedented military escalation in the future, involving nuclear powers.

EU’s diplomatic strategy and geopolitical cooperation in the Arctic

I abstained on this report. Although there are positive elements including some positive framing around the climate crisis, indigenous rights and respect for international law, there are seriously negative aspects such as the need for NATO involvement in the region and the role of the Artic in the transport of LNG.

Protection of minors online

I voted in favour of this report as Sinn Féin is strongly in favour of more robust safeguards to protect children online and end their exploitation by Big Tech companies. There are very positive elements regarding accountability for tech companies, enforcement of the Digital Services Act, parental control and digital addiction patterns.

Access to finance for SMEs and scale-ups

I voted against this resolution. It argues for reckless deregulation and amounts to an attack on environmentally proofing our futures. This is a pity because access to finance for SMEs is a very real issue and needs concrete solutions.

Resolution on protection of EU consumers against the practices of certain e-commerce platforms: the case of child-like sex dolls, weapons and other illegal products and materials

I voted in favour of this report as it contains very positive recommendations in terms of ending the disgusting practice of selling child-like sex dolls and other illegal and dangerous goods on large e-commerce platforms.

Ensuring faster registration and uptake of biological control agents

I voted against this report. Although it is meant to support a shift away from chemical pesticides, the final text weakens the safety rules for new biocontrol products. It removes important safeguards, restricts Member States’ ability to decide what is safe for their own environments, and even creates the possibility of very long or indefinite approvals without proper reassessment. The report also fails to call for a phase-out of chemical pesticides and instead includes language that keeps them on the market. It does not deliver the strong environmental or public-health protections needed, so I could not support it.

Institutional aspects of the Report on the future of European Competitiveness (Draghi Report)

I voted against this report which is another attempt to centralise decision-making in the EU and marginalise differing opinions, including imposing majority decisions in more areas.

Impact of artificial intelligence on the financial sector

I voted against this report as it failed to oppose the deregulation trend being followed by the EU Commission. This is extremely import when we talk about AI and the financial sector. It also failed to adequately address the concerns of workers and job losses due to AI.

2024 budget – assessing the implementation of the gender mainstreaming methodology in the EU budget

I voted in favour of this report that aims to better measure the implementation of gender mainstreaming across the budget. It includes many calls that will improve our understanding of the impact the budget has on gender mainstreaming and thus allow us to improve our implantation of the budget.

Addressing transnational repression of human rights defenders

I would have preferred a wider level of protection, not exclusively human rights defenders. The biased identification of some countries and the pointed non-identification of other countries is part of the double standards we have come to expect. As the report is an important step forward; I vote in favour.

Opinion from the Court of Justice on the compatibility with the Treaties of the proposed Agreement on Digital Trade between the European Union and the Republic of Singapore

I voted in favour of this resolution to refer the EU-Singapore digital trade agreement to the Court of Justice because I have serious concerns about how this agreement will impact application of EU law in areas like data protection and privacy rights. Given the legal uncertainty, an opinion from the Court would have been very useful.

Gender Equality Strategy 2025

I voted in favour of the Gender Equality Strategy 2025–2030 as it defines the EU’s main priorities for advancing women’s rights and gender equality in the next five years. It builds on the 2020–2025 framework and reaffirms the EU’s commitment to end gender-based violence, close the gender care and pay gaps and strengthen women’s political participation. The report also calls on the EU to add rape to the list of EU crimes and to recognise femicide as a distinct form of gender-based violence. Although not perfect, I believe this is a step in the right direction as we await the post-2025 Gender Equality Strategy from the Commission.

Resolution on renewing the EU-Africa Partnership: building common priorities ahead of the Angola Summit

I voted in favour of this resolution concerning the upcoming Angola Summit It contains a lot of positive elements around human rights, development assistance, ending gender-based violence and cooperation on the climate crisis It also has good language on peacebuilding and reflects the UNSC Resolution 1325 on Women in Peacebuilding.

Resolution on the UN Climate Change Conference 2025 in Belém, Brazil (COP30)

I voted in favour of this resolution concerning COP30 – which will be taking place in Brazil in November 2025. The resolution addresses many of the key challenges heading into the COP. There is really good language on just transition, climate finance, loss and damage and ensuring that EU climate policy aligns with the Paris Agreement. It also includes language on the impact of armed conflict on emissions which is quite progressive given that military emissions are typically excluded from carbon reporting.

Discharge 2023: EU general budget – European Council and Council

I voted against granting discharge in this case due to the ongoing refusal of the Council to cooperate in the due procedure. I abstained on the resolution due to language that would weaken unanimity at Council.

Discharge 2023: Agencies

I voted against granting discharge for the asylum agency due to ongoing irregularities in hiring practices outlined by OLAF. I voted in favour of the accompanying resolution which highlights these irregularities.

Resolution on the polarisation and increased repression in Serbia, one year after the Novi Sad tragedy

I voted in favour of this resolution concerning the growing tensions in Serbia, particularly following the collapse of a railway station canopy killing 16 people. The resolution was constructive overall and proposed positive actions the EU could take to help the people of Serbia.

Resolution on the situation in Belarus, five years after the fraudulent presidential elections

There are genuine and legitimate human rights criticisms to be made of Belarus. Unfortunately this resolution will not help the situation. I regret the refusal to engage the with government of Belarus, and completely reject the calls for the EU to choose the representatives of Belarus in various international fora. Such a step would be anything but democratic. For these reasons I abstained.

A new legislative framework for products that is fit for the digital and sustainable transition

I voted in favour of this report which deals with regulatory coherence in respect of single market, consumer and financial challenges. The main call in it is for a Digital Product Passport requirement for all products in the single market which would improve market surveillance and would in the future include second-hand goods. It would simplify (in a good way) for businesses and has strong calls around sustainability and the right to refurbishment and repair.

Motion of censure on the Commission

Is supported this motion because President von der Leyen and her Commission have consistently acted against the best interests of people across Europe. Not only did she stand by Israel’s side and refuse to act while they committed a genocide, but she has also tried to ram through the Mercosur agreement, which would be devastating for Irish farmers and the environment, as well as failing to secure a good deal for Europe in negations with the US. All of this comes while her ‘Pfizergate’ scandal still hangs like a cloud over her leadership and her Commission presses forward with their attempts to further militarise the EU.

The role of simple tax rules and tax fragmentation in European competitiveness

This report on tax stays away from red lines around tax rates or EU‑wide taxes, but it does approach the existence of national tax regimes as a problem and proposed special treatment for the defence industry. As it is a single vote and does contain some sensible anti‑fraud measures we abstained.

Deliberations of the Committee on Petitions in 2024

I supported this annual own‑initiative report on the deliberations of the Committee on Petitions. The report aimed to provide a comprehensive overview of the work carried out by the committee in 2024.

Resolution on the situation in Afghanistan: supporting women and communities affected by the recent earthquakes

We voted in favour of this resolution, which condemns the ongoing gender apartheid imposed by the Taliban and the severe rollback of women’s and girls’ rights in Afghanistan. The text highlights the urgent need to support Afghan women, human rights defenders and communities affected by the recent devastating earthquakes. This resolution rightly combines solidarity with Afghan women and girls with practical measures to address both political oppression and humanitarian suffering.

Resolution on a united response to recent Russian violations of the EU Member States’ airspace and critical infrastructure

I voted against this resolution which normalises the language of war, promoting rearmament, confrontation and escalation. I am opposed to a European Defence Union, which diverts public resources from social priorities. I voted to defend Irish neutrality, and in favour of diplomacy, mediation, negotiation and de‑escalation of conflict. And I voted against EU subordination to NATO and the US agenda.

Resolution on the Second World Summit for Social Development

I voted in favour of this resolution, which had many positive elements on upward social convergence, reducing inequalities, strengthening social protection systems, and promoting decent working conditions and supportive measures to ensure fairness in the transitions etc.

Resolution on the declaration of principles for a gender-equal society

I voted in favour of this declaration, which reaffirms the EU’s commitment to building a gender‑equal society and advancing women’s rights. The Roadmap for Women’s Rights provides a useful basis for further work by the Commission and Parliament. However, we regret that the final text remains overly cautious, especially on sexual and reproductive health and rights, and does not fully confront the growing backlash against gender equality across Europe.

EU political strategy on Latin America

I voted against this report due to its focus on free trade, foreign investment and deregulation rather than fair trade, debt relief and redistributive policies. I am opposed to its endorsement of Mercosur, which would be devastating for Irish farmers and the environment. I also oppose its selective approach to human rights, with no criticism being made of right‑wing authoritarian governments that are considered to be geostrategic allies of the EU and the USA.

Role of EU policies in shaping the European Sport Model

I supported this own initiative report on EU sports policy. The report highlighted how sport is a valuable asset, serving social, economic, political and cultural functions.

A new vision for the European Universities alliances

This report seeks to introduce a 'new vision' to the European Universities alliances. Whilst I agreed with much that was in this own-initiative report, such as the concern expressed about current threats to academic freedom in several parts of the world, including in some Member States and non-EU countries participating in Erasmus+, I ultimately could not support the final text as it asks the Commission to consider adding defence as a criteria to possible future calls. Therefore, I abstained.

Implementation and streamlining of EU internal market rules to strengthen the single market

On balance I voted against this report as it prioritised the single market above all else. We support sensible changes to allow businesses and consumers to prosper from the internal market but at the cost of irresponsible deregulation that the same businesses and consumers will ultimately pay for. This report just misses this balance.

Stock-taking of the European elections 2024

I welcome this reports call on Member States and political parties to do more to ensure equal representation of women, young people, vulnerable groups as well as ethnic and religious minorities. There are also some other positive elements (e.g. the call on Member States and the Council to take steps to better inform EU citizens residing in another Member State on their right to vote either in their country of origin or their country of residence, and to make it easier for them to register or vote from abroad). However I do not agree with the insistence that the answer to everything is to make the election 'more European', its calls on political parties and candidates to give bigger visibility to the European political parties and political groups, nor its support for the 'Spitzenkandidat' process. Therefore I abstained on this report.

Resolution on Gaza at breaking point: EU action to combat famine, the urgent need to release hostages and move towards a two-state solution

I abstained on the resolution because, despite containing positive elements which we support, it fell far short of addressing the catastrophic situation and genocide in Gaza. The EPP Group diluted the original text - which we could have supported - to make it more one sided in favour of Israel. For example, their amendments which passed removed condemnation of Israel’s actions in Gaza, deleted text highlighting the failure of the Council and the Commission to take any action against Israel and text expressing regret that the EU-Israel Association Agreement is still in effect. I was also extremely disappointed to see Parliament vote to delete references to the genocidal rhetoric of Israeli ministers. I was proud to support the Left motion that was tabled which called out Israel’s genocide and proposed real measures to end the EU’s complicity in the Gaza genocide.

Resolution on the situation in Colombia after the wave of recent terrorist attacks

I voted against this resolution as it effectively is an anti-peace process statement by right-wing forces. The difficult situation faced by the Colombian people is not helped by such biased and inaccurate resolutions.

Facilitating the financing of investments and reforms to boost European competitiveness and creating a Capital Markets Union (Draghi Report)

I voted against this report. This own initiative report on the Draghi Report is far too pro-free market without balancing this with the need for high standards for workers’ rights and environmental standards. Very specifically in an Irish context it ties up defence investment in this solution, supporting SAFE and ReArm. It also backs securitisation, closely linked to vulture funds. It also crosses red lines on own resources, EU borrowing and tax harmonisation.

The role of cohesion policy in supporting the just transition

I supported this report by Ciarán Mullooly, which sets out a strong case for a continuation of the Just Transition Fund. I was unhappy with the inclusion of nuclear energy as part of the climate solution, however. I am deeply worried about the vague notion of economic zones set put here which needs further explanation and refining.

Possibilities for simplification of cohesion funds

While I fully support simplification for people on the ground trying to access EU funds this report was ruined by an insistence on the inclusion of dual use/ military language. It is regrettable this was the case given how important the topic is. I will continue to work with people in Ireland and Brussels to make progress on real simplification.

The future of agriculture and the post-2027 common agricultural policy

I voted in favour of this report. Despite the language around competitiveness and concerns around the financing of farms and proposed use of insurance, this report lays out a good basis for negotiations with the Commission. This report calls for a larger separate CAP fund with the two-pillar structure, it calls for protection of agriculture in future trade negotiations, it calls for increased supports to women in farming and financial support to farm succession. However, I was disappointed to see a condemnation of the Mercosur agreement, which I voted in favour of, did not pass. Overall, this report opposes the Commission proposal to reduce CAP and this is vital in the coming months.

Resolution on strengthening Moldova’s resilience against Russian hybrid threats and malign interference

It includes some positive elements (such as the call on Russia to withdraw from Transnistria and 'support a peaceful resolution of the conflict in accordance with international law and Moldova’s sovereignty and territorial integrity', opposing corruption, supporting LGBTQI+ organisations...) Unfortunately and unhelpfully it also conflates democracy with support for EU geostrategic objectives, and sees support for Moldova largely in military terms.

Public procurement

I voted in favour of this report as it has very positive elements on the public procurement reform, including expanding collective bargaining rights, support for SMEs to participate in bids and support for most economically advantageous criteria over lowest price criteria.

2023 and 2024 Commission reports on Ukraine

This report evaluates Ukraine’s progress on EU accession reforms. Whilst I agreed with many aspects of this report, I could not support it due to a call for EU Member States, international partners and NATO allies to lift all restrictions on the use of Western weapons systems delivered to Ukraine against military targets in Russian territory. Therefore, I abstained.

Future of the EU biotechnology and biomanufacturing sector: leveraging research, boosting innovation and enhancing competitiveness

Biotechnology refers to the use of living organisms (bacteria, yeast, plants) to produce substances or fulfil tasks. Examples include genetic engineering, or the growth of tissue culture for lab use. Biotechnology is relevant for medicine, agriculture, environmental science and the replacement of fossil-based production with biomaterials, but also has ethical implications around intellectual property and genetic modification. This report took a positive approach to biotechnology and says that the EU should enable the growth of the sector – primarily through shortened authorisation procedures, less regulation, and pro-corporate intellectual property laws. It calls for an EU biotech act to support the sector. It has a section that focuses on biomaterials as replacements for fossil-based substances (plastics etc) which calls for more flexibility in EU environmental laws. It calls for the completion of the capital markets union to support the growth of the biotechnology industry. Given this emphasis on simplification and regulatory burden, alongside a lack of consideration for working conditions and workers' health and safety, I voted against this report.

Resolution on tackling China's critical raw materials export restrictions

I voted against this resolution because it frames the EU's need for critical raw materials in a purely extractivist manner. Sustainability and human rights concerns are only mentioned in the context of agreeing clean trade and investment partnerships (CTIPs) and no mention is made of the role of the critical raw materials race in conflict and environmental destruction across the world.

Product safety and regulatory compliance in e-commerce and non-EU imports

I voted in favour of this report which seeks to address the challenges customs authorities face due to the huge growth in small package shipments from platforms like Temu and Shein. There were progressive amendments added in the INTA opinion on workers' rights, climate, recognition of how this issue impacts people in poverty and regulatory measures against the large platforms involved in this practice.

2023 and 2024 Commission reports on Albania

I abstained on this report as it contains good elements on democracy, rule of law, environment and LGBT rights but also has problematic language on NATO alignment and migration that I could not support.

2023 and 2024 Commission reports on Bosnia and Herzegovina

I abstained on this report as although there is really positive elements on human rights, democracy, environment and protecting minority rights, there are also really negative elements around CFSP and NATO alignment, 'Euro-Atlantic integration' and migration which I could not support.

2023 and 2024 Commission reports on North Macedonia

I endorse much of this report concerning, including the functioning of democratic institutions, media and civil society, fundamental rights, rule of law and the environment. However I abstained because I respect the sovereign policy choices of North Macedonia and disagree with the reports insistence on alignment with CFSP.

2023 and 2024 Commission reports on Georgia

This should have been an assessment of the progress towards Georgian membership of the EU. Despite some useful elements (e.g. on pluralism, corruption and aggressive laws against the LGBTI community), it is largely an attack on the government's geopolitical choices. A report such as this is counterproductive as it alienates the people of Georgia (who are largely positive about relations with the rest of Europe), instead of easing tensions and fostering dialogue. For these reasons I voted against.

Implementation and delivery of the Sustainable Development Goals in view of the 2025 High-Level Political Forum

I voted in favour of Parliament’s annual report in advance of the UN’s high-level forum on the Sustainable Development Goals. It is a very progressive report, and the committee text managed to survive some right-wing attacks on sexual and reproductive health and rights. The report focuses on the SDGs that will be under review at this year’s high-level forum: health, gender equality, economic growth and fair employment, ocean conservation, and the global partnership for sustainable development. The SDGs set out a series of goal and sub-targets to be achieved by 2030; only 17 % of these are on track and many have seen a backslide in recent years. There is a USD 4 trillion investment gap to meet the SDGs and international development finance has been decreasing in recent years. The report reaffirms Parliament’s strong support for the SDGs and calls for the financial and governance mechanisms needed to achieve them.

Resolution on the human cost of Russia’s war against Ukraine and the urgent need to end Russian aggression: the situation of illegally detained civilians and prisoners of war, and the continued bombing of civilians

I fully condemn the Russian invasion of Ukraine and its ongoing aggression. However, I do not believe it is appropriate for the EP to urge 'all Member States to immediately provide further military assistance and to engage in joint procurement of additional capabilities, in particular air defence, long range strike and artillery systems and ammunition.' This is particularly so when it comes to neutral countries such as Ireland (as explicitly recognised in EU Treaties). Nor do I believe that the European Union should divert resources towards military purposes. The European Union should prioritise de-escalation, a ceasefire and a political resolution of this conflict (and other conflicts), fully respecting the UN Charter. For these reasons I abstained on the resolution.

Financial activities of the European Investment Bank – annual report 2024

I rejected this report which blatantly backed the militarisation of the EIB, a bank which should be helping retrofit homes and helping to fight the climate crisis. The content of the report is summarised in the paragraph: 'Welcomes the EIB’s proactive approach in the area of security and defence; highlights the fact that investment in this sector doubled in 2024 to EUR 1 billion, with the EIB’s 2025 plan set to double it again to a record EUR 2 billion'. I am of the opposite opinion.

Security of energy supply in the EU

I voted against this parliamentary report on security of energy supply. While this is an important issue, the report itself contained many problematic elements. The accepted definition of energy security is energy that is available, sustainable and affordable. But this report contains almost nothing about making energy affordable, particularly for households. The parts about making energy sustainable are interwoven with the promotion of nuclear and even gas as a transition fuel. Instead, the bulk of the report focuses on energy availability, or rather the presence and security of energy infrastructure. This section has a strong militarisation focus. It talks about the role of NATO in protecting the EU’s critical energy infrastructure, speaks of the need to expand dual-use transport corridors for the transport of fuel for the military, and more generally buys into the narrative around the increased need for defence and security. This is not the principle discussion we need to be having around energy security. For this reason, I opposed the report.

Resolution on preserving the memory of the victims of the post-war communist period in Slovenia

I supported an adjournment proposal on this resolution, as the final text was not balanced and the negotiations were not conducted in an appropriate manner. There was no real attempt to reach consensus at either technical or shadow meeting level. As the adjournment proposal was unsuccessful, I voted against the resolution as a whole.

Electricity grids: the backbone of the EU energy system

I voted in favour of this balanced and comprehensive report about the importance of ensuring that our electricity grids are extensive and robust enough to properly support the renewable energy transition. Insufficient and ageing grids pose a barrier to renewable energy projects. In an Irish context, we also have grid capacity issues due to the heavy presence of data centres. The report calls for more investment, a strengthened role for regulators in grid planning, and more demand reduction and demand-side response measures. It also covers the importance of public participation in grid projects and the need to close skills gaps, including by increasing women’s participation in the energy sector.

Resolution on the Clean Industrial Deal

The Clean Industrial Deal is the competitiveness response to the Green Deal, replacing proper environmental regulation with subsidies for private companies, incentives rather than regulations, all with little to no conditionalities or consideration of workers. This oral question doubles down on this approach. It opposes gold-plating by Member States who want to introduce higher climate or social ambitions. It calls for greater EU cooperation on nuclear research and promotes hydrogen made from nuclear-powered electricity. In terms of the role of workers, there is one paragraph about skills and one sentence about social partners in the whole resolution. For these reasons, I voted against the resolution.

Implementation report on the Recovery and Resilience Facility

I voted against this report as it calls for the use of budgetary instruments modelled on the Recovery and Resilience Facility in the next MFF, which has been criticised by the European Court of Auditors and is not the best model of funding for such large-scale investment. Furthermore, this report calls for a fund similar to the RRF for military funding and increased own resources for the EU – two positions that I do not support.

The Commission’s 2024 Rule of Law report

I abstained on this report. I do recognise that there are some good chapters on anti-corruption frameworks, civil society organisations, media freedom and the judiciary. However, it marks a backwards step for Parliament's long-standing position on a range of issues, in particular the intrinsic link between the rule of law, democracy and fundamental rights. I am particularly disappointed by the politically motivated attack on the Amnesty Law in Spain.

2023 and 2024 Commission reports on Montenegro

I abstained on this resolution, because although it contains a number of positive elements, such as calling for further action on gender equality, tackling gender-based violence and tackling poverty, there are very negative elements, such as commending CFSP alignment and Montenegro's membership of NATO. We are opposed to alignment to a militaristic agenda being a precondition for EU membership.

2023 and 2024 Commission reports on Moldova

I abstained on this report. The report does include some useful human rights and social elements, but the references to CSDP and NATO expansion make it impossible for me to support.

Amendments to Parliament’s Rules of Procedure concerning the declaration of input (Article 8 of Annex I to the Rules of Procedure)

I voted in favour of this amendment clarifying the scope of the declaration of input provided for in Article 8 of Annex I, particularly regarding the entities or persons to be listed.

Financing for development – ahead of the Fourth International Conference on Financing for Development in Seville

I supported this own-initiative report, which sets out the priorities of Parliament ahead of the International Conference on Financing for Development to be held in Seville at the end of June 2025. Among other things, the report highlights that EU development policy must be driven by the principles and objectives set out in the UN 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development.

Ninth report on economic and social cohesion

I voted against this report. While it offers some benefits for our regions, it opens the door to the militarisation of the EU’s Cohesion Policy. This decision means that funding from the European Regional Development Fund and the European Social Fund, both cornerstones of the EU’s Cohesion Policy, can now be redirected to finance military infrastructure. Cohesion Policy has always been the EU’s flagship policy of solidarity. Turning it into a tool for military spending, with Parliament’s blessing, is shameful.

Competition policy – annual report 2024

I abstained on this report. It is an improvement on previous years but overall the report fails to tackle the position that competition trumps all. Consumers’ and workers’ rights should be second fiddle to the rules of competition policy. Where competition policy could help by, for example, bringing down insurance pieces it is not enforced.

Banking Union – annual report 2024

I rejected this report. It fails to address the concerns of ordinary people and instead defends the agenda of banks and bankers. Although somewhat muted, it does call for deregulation as a means of helping out banks which amounts to a dangerous return to afield policies of the past. Banks are making obscene profits while mortgage prices and other banking services remain too expensive.

Resolution on the old challenges and new commercial practices in the internal market

I voted against this report as it calls very explicitly for further deregulation and makes no mention of improving workers' rights or environmental protection as part of the internal market reform agenda.

2023 discharge: General budget of the EU - European Parliament

I voted in favour of granting discharge due to the absence of any irregularities.

Discharge 2023: EU general budget – European Council and Council

I voted against granting the Council Discharge and in favour of the report which condemns the Council's continued refusal to participate in the process of accountability to Parliament.

2023 discharge: General budget of the EU - Court of Justice of the European Union

I voted in favour to support the discharge of the report into the Court of Justice of the European Union. This is a generally positive report highlighting both progress and ongoing challenges at the CJEU. It rightly notes gender imbalances, with most administrative assistants being women and most top judges being men, and calls for more action on diversity in appointments and better reporting. It welcomes staff training, efforts to address burnout and the need for a robust declaration of interests, among other recommendations.

2023 discharge: General budget of the EU - Court of Auditors

I supported this discharge and resolution as no significant issues were raised.

2023 discharge: General budget of the EU - European Economic and Social Committee

I supported this resolution, as there were no irregularities.

2023 discharge: General budget of the EU - Committee of the Regions

I supported this discharge and resolution as no significant issues were raised.

Discharge 2023: EU general budget – European Council and Council

I voted to allow this discharge. Overall, it is a positive report, with both progress and areas needing improvement. The budget implementation rate was 95 %, slightly down from previous years, with savings made through reduced staff travel thanks to videoconferencing. While file processing times have improved, the time taken to handle inquiries remains high, and there are still delays in citizens accessing requested documents. It notes good gender balance and positive staff survey results. It calls for senior staff to declare financial interests and for these to be accessible, and it criticises the Brussels building for being inaccessible to people with disabilities.

2023 discharge: General budget of the EU - European Data Protection Supervisor

I voted in favour of the discharge of the European Data Protection Supervisor. The committee gave a positive assessment of the Supervisor's financial management, despite its heavy workload and limited budget. The EDPS has an important role in our increasingly digitalised world.

2023 discharge: General budget of the EU - European External Action Service

I abstained on this discharge. I support much of the work of the EEAS and believe that it can play a strong role in international diplomacy. The attached resolution however is completely unbalanced when it comes to Israel's slaughter in Gaza and makes no mention of their role in the death and destruction there. In this context, I could not vote in favour of the discharge.

Discharge 2023: Agencies

I voted to approve the discharges for agencies with no irregularities – I supported the overall motion, which gave individual breakdowns of all the agencies.

A revamped long-term budget for the Union in a changing world

Despite containing positive pushbacks to the Commission proposals to consolidate funding streams and move towards a lump sum structure and welcome calls for a structured separate emergency fund, I voted against this report due to calls for increased funding of defence industries. The report calls for significant increases in spending funded by EU borrowing for defence and a large increase in EU own resources which Sinn Féin oppose. These are only some of the many issues within this report which made it impossible to support.

The European Water Resilience Strategy

‘Water Resilience’ is a broad term which essentially covers the need to have healthy, unpolluted water resources that can be used sustainably and long-term for drinking water, agriculture, fisheries, industry and leisure. All this must stand up to climate change, which is bringing harsher droughts, increased flooding and melting glaciers across Europe. This was a strong report which covered important themes such as water as a human right, ending PFAS pollution of water, and promoting nature-based solutions for climate adaptation. I was therefore happy to vote in favour of this important report, which lays down a strong European Parliament position in advance of the Commission publishing its water resilience strategy this year. There was however one paragraph in the report that covered water pricing mechanisms; Sinn Féin remains staunchly opposed to water charges and I voted against this paragraph.

2023 and 2024 Commission reports on Türkiye

I abstained on this resolution because despite containing a lot of language I agree with like out the democratic backsliding in Türkiye, the growing rollbacks on women's rights and attacks against LGBT rights and continued Kurdish repression, it also contains a number of problematic provisions. I could not support language on foreign policy alignment as a condition for EU membership nor the blanket criticisms of those involved in Palestine solidarity activism.

2023 and 2024 Commission reports on Serbia

I welcome certain aspects of the report, such as the right to demonstrate, transparency, accountability and judicial independence. However, I regret the conditionality, which seeks to lock Serbia into a particular geo-strategic approach. This should not be the decisive factor as to whether or not they become EU members. For this reason I abstained.

2023 and 2024 Commission reports on Kosovo

However, I regret the conditionality, which seeks to lock Kosovo into a particular geo-strategic approach. This should not be the decisive factor as to whether or not they become EU members. For this reason I abstained.

Guidelines for the 2026 budget - Section III

I voted against this report on the Parliament guidelines for budget negotiations due to the continued calls for increases in EU funding for defence, physical infrastructure at the EU borders, and the calls for new EU own resources.

Implementation of the common foreign and security policy – annual report 2024

I voted against this resolution as it represents another failed opportunity for the EU to take a strong stand against Israel’s actions in Gaza. It lacks any meaningful condemnation of Israel or recognition of the massive and continuing injustice inflicted on the Palestinian people. It represents a threat to Ireland’s neutrality as it seeks to further encroach on Member States’ sovereign right to define their own foreign and security policy.

Human rights and democracy in the world and the European Union’s policy on the matter – annual report 2024

Regretfully this report is not clear in its criticism of Israeli violations of human rights and breaches of international law. Also I disagree with the reports call for the removal of unanimity on certain foreign policy matters. Despite these issues I voted in favour of this broadly positive report.

Resolution on social and employment aspects of restructuring processes: the need to protect jobs and workers’ rights

I voted in favour of this resolution aiming to position social partners at the centre of industrial policies. Among other things, the resolution calls for stronger participation of social partners in restructuring processes, giving them a central role.

Resolution on continuing the unwavering EU support for Ukraine, after three years of Russia’s war of aggression

While I fully agree with the condemnation of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, I abstained on this resolution due to its militaristic orientation, its support for 'ReArm Europe' and its insistence that EU Member States commit 0.25 % of GDP annually to military support for Ukraine.

Resolution on the white paper on the future of European defence

I voted against this resolution because it contains a large number of provisions that will directly threaten Irish neutrality. The calls for closer alignment with NATO and militarisation of the EU itself are completely incompatible with Irish neutrality. I was happy that one of our amendments on respecting neutrality passed and there is a clear call for the EU to respect neutral countries from the European Parliament. However, large amounts of the text remain incredibly problematic and represent the absolute wrong direction of travel for the EU. In this context, I voted against.

Verification of credentials

I voted against this because it does not include a Catalan MEP who was democratically elected in June’s elections. We believe this situation is unfair, as only the voters should decide their MEPs. There should be no extra processes that delay or prevent elected Members from taking their seats.

The European Social Fund Plus post-2027

I supported this report on the ESF+ post-2027. Among other things, the report called for the issue of structural causes of inequalities to be addressed.

Assessment of the implementation of Horizon Europe in view of its interim evaluation and recommendations for the 10th Research Framework Programme

I voted against this report, which made recommendations for the Horizon Europe programme under the next budgetary period. While Horizon Europe is a valuable funding source for many researchers, this report went too far in suggesting that the fund could be used to support research for military and defence. The report 'urges the Commission further to develop options to strengthen the synergies between civilian and defence R&D spending'. It suggests that the Commission could propose to researchers to add a dual-use element to their project after the project has been selected – suggesting that military uses would not be referenced in the research calls but nevertheless added to the aims of the EU-funded research. Many Irish researchers replied to a public consultation on Horizon Europe, appealing that the fund should not be used for defence research in the future. Additionally, while the report mentions the importance of international partnerships and how Horizon can be a 'tool for political partnerships', there is no mention of requiring third-party countries under Horizon to respect human rights and international law.

Resolution on the further deterioration of the political situation in Georgia

I voted against this resolution as it contained incredibly problematic language regarding the future of Georgia. While I am deeply concerned about democratic backsliding and foreign interference in Georgia, I cannot endorse a position that calls for NATO membership for Georgia or which continues to recognise a person whose term expired in December 2024. The content regarding electoral fraud also does not match the OSCE's report from election monitors on the ground in Georgia for the election. Furthermore, as a representative of a neutral country, I am further concerned that enlargement policy is moving away from focusing on fundamental values required for EU membership towards requiring alignment with the foreign policy of certain European countries.

Resolution on the escalation of violence in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo

I voted in favour of this resolution which highlights the escalation of violence in the region and, among other things, strongly condemned the indiscriminate attacks by all parties.

Decision on setting up a special committee on the European Democracy Shield, and defining its responsibilities, numerical strength and term of office

I voted in favour of this resolution and the establishment of this committee which will uphold human rights, freedom, equality, solidarity and democracy by addressing how foreign state actors and malicious non-state actors use information manipulation and other tactics to interfere in democratic processes in the EU. Crucially, the committee will deal with rights of minorities and other discriminated groups.

Decision on setting up a special committee on the Housing Crisis in the European Union, and defining its responsibilities, numerical strength and term of office

I supported the establishment of this committee. Housing is – and must remain – a Member State competence, but given the mandate to analyse and map out data, this committee can aid countries like Ireland in providing data, expertise and ideas for policy initiatives. We are clear, however, that the housing crisis is a result of FF and FG failure and will only be solved by a Sinn Féin led government with radically different policies.

Activities of the European Ombudsman – annual report 2023

I voted in favour of this own‑initiative report on the work of the European Ombudsman, Emily O'Reilly. Among other things, this report welcomed the Ombudsman’s publication of a guide for citizens on how to access EU documents and underlined that public access to documents is a fundamental right of EU citizens and a cornerstone of European democracy.

Resolution on Georgia’s worsening democratic crisis following the recent parliamentary elections and alleged electoral fraud

I abstained on this resolution because the content regarding electoral fraud does not match the OSCE's report from election monitors on the ground in Georgia for the election. The resolution also contains worrying provisions around Euro-Atlantic foreign policy integration and as a representative of a neutral country, I am further concerned that enlargement policy is moving away from focusing on fundamental values required for EU membership towards requiring alignment with the foreign policy of certain European countries.

Resolution on reinforcing EU’s unwavering support to Ukraine against Russia’s war of aggression and the increasing military cooperation between North Korea and Russia

I welcome the reiteration of our condemnation of the Russian invasion of Ukraine. However, I cannot support an escalation of the conflict, which is sought in this resolution. Therefore, I abstained.

Council's recommendation on smoke- and aerosol-free environments

I welcome the proposal for a Council recommendation on extending national smoking bans to cover e-cigarettes. I do note that the scope of these bans, including what public spaces to include, remains a national prerogative. The initial text of this resolution was largely positive. It confirmed the Parliament’s support for decisive measures to tackle smoking and the huge health risks it poses, to both smokers and non-smokers. However, a number of amendments were tabled by the far-right groups in Parliament and, with the support of the EPP group, they were passed. These amendments questioned established scientific advice around smoking by calling for further impact assessments and parroted industry arguments that e-cigarettes can help people quit smoking. However, the WHO states that there is no proven benefit of e-cigarettes for those who want to quit smoking, and that there is even evidence they could lead to increased smoking levels, particularly among younger people. With these amendments approved, the resolution became toothless and unscientific and so I could no longer support it. I am absolutely in favour of action to reduce smoking and improve people's health and I believe that our laws around tobacco need to cover e-cigarettes as well.

Resolution on the UN Climate Change Conference 2024 in Baku, Azerbaijan (COP29)

I voted in favour of this resolution, which lays out the EU’s position on the COP29 global climate negotiations. It was important for the European Parliament to send a strong signal at the start of COP, clearly calling for ambitious agreement on climate finance. The resolution also stressed the work needed in the EU, by all sectors, to reduce carbon emissions. There was some language in the resolution that sought to place responsibility on emerging economies rather than the EU, but it is important to remember that Europe also has an historic responsibility to be a leader in climate mitigation and in providing international climate finance. Some attempts by the EPP to weaken the language here were unfortunately successful, but thankfully none of the many climate-denying amendments received a majority. As a result, I was happy to support the resolution.

Resolution on EU actions against the Russian shadow fleets and ensuring a full enforcement of sanctions against Russia

I am disappointed that there is no reference to the social and economic impact of sanctions (particularly in the context of the cost of living crisis across the EU), nor any suggestion of possible mitigation measures to ease the burden on ordinary people. I am also keenly aware of the double standards of the EU and the failure introduce any sanctions on Israel. However, the resolution does place an important spotlight on maritime and environmental standards and the risks caused by Russian circumvention of sanctions. For this reason I voted in favour.

Resolution on the situation in Azerbaijan, violation of human rights and international law and relations with Armenia

This resolution comes in the context of the COP29 which will be held in Azerbaijan in November. It focuses on human rights abuses in Azerbaijan, which in the past have increased when the country has hosted international events. A number of ECHR rulings have found Azerbaijan to be in abuse of human rights, with over 320 ECHR judgements pending. The resolution calls for better media freedoms, the release of political prisoners, electoral transparency, and protections for civil society in Azerbaijan. It calls on the EU to suspend its gas trade with Azerbaijan and place sanctions on individuals responsible for human rights abuses. Given its overall message in support of protections for human rights and civil space, I supported this resolution. However, I do not agree with the paragraph that called for greater cooperation between Armenia and EU in security and defence, calling on Member States to consider supplying military support for Armenia.

2022 discharge: General budget of the EU - European Council and Council

I voted in favour of Parliament's decision not to grant discharge to the Council as the Council does not cooperate in the process. Should we add justification of voting for the PfE amendments on RCV? If so, could add that I supported amendments that proposed the removal of articles that supported abolition of unanimous voting at the Council.

Resolution on strengthening Moldova’s resilience against Russian interference ahead of the upcoming presidential elections and a constitutional referendum on EU integration

In recent years, Sinn Féin have supported a number of resolutions on Moldova, mostly focused on trade concessions and macro-financial assistance. This resolution seeks to integrate Moldova into EU security and defence policies. The calls for 'stronger cooperation on security and defence policy', 'security and defence partnership with the EU' and to 'progressively include the Republic of Moldova in upcoming legislative initiatives and programmes relating to European security and defence' made it difficult for me to support. I am very concerned about the escalating focus on militarisation and defence within the EU. The current militarisation approach overshadows the positions of neutral states within the EU, including Ireland. It is a very worrying precedent to see alignment with EU security and defence policy presented as a compulsory part of Moldova's potential accession to the EU. There are valid criticisms of Russian interference. However, there is no equivalent criticism of EU interference in the referendum, which is encouraged by this resolution. It is imprudent for Parliament to take such a clear position in advance of the constitutional referendum in Moldova, as this amounts to an attempt to influence a vote in a sovereign third country. Therefore, I abstained.

Resolution on the democratic backsliding and threats to political pluralism in Georgia

While incredibly concerned about democratic backsliding in Georgia, I abstained on this resolution as there were a number of significant issues with the text proposed to Parliament. Firstly, the resolution pre-empts the decisions the people of Georgia will have to make for themselves in their own upcoming election. Secondly, the references to the country's Euro-Atlantic integration and orientation at multiple points and alignment with EU foreign policy would suggest that there is only one electoral and policy outcome acceptable to the Parliament. As a representative of a neutral country, I am further concerned that enlargement policy is moving away from focusing on the fundamental values required for EU membership towards requiring alignment with the foreign policy of certain European countries.

Resolution on continued financial and military support to Ukraine by EU Member States

I absolutely condemn Russia’s war in Ukraine and its violation of international law. I extend my full solidarity to the people of Ukraine. However, this resolution represents an escalation of the EU position to the point where Ireland would be paying for NATO weapons to be used directly against Russian territory. For this reason I abstained.

Resolution on the situation in Venezuela

While I recognise the concerns about the situation in Venezuela, this resolution is completely unbalanced. In particular I do not accept that the European Parliament should be deciding who the next president of the country should be. For this reason I voted against the resolution.

Resolution on the devastating floods in central and eastern Europe, the loss of lives and the EU’s preparedness to act on such disasters exacerbated by climate change

I supported this resolution as it mainly expressed solidarity and offered practical assistance to those affected. I am wary of the language around further centralising in Europe domestic services such as rescue services. Solidarity and cooperation is welcome. Moves towards replacing national competencies should be resisted.

Resolution on the need for the EU’s continuous support for Ukraine

I supported this resolution, as its main aim was to signal the EU’s continued support for Ukraine in the face of the Russian invasion. However, I am concerned that Ukraine is being used as a justification for further militarisation of the EU. The resolution contained several worrying points on military expenditure, which I opposed in the votes on amendments. The European Parliament has no right to tell Ireland to spend 0.25 % of its annual GDP on military support to Ukraine, which is why Sinn Féin requested a separate vote on this line to try to remove it from the text. Sinn Féin will continue to defend Irish neutrality and will not allow the EU to undermine it in any way. It is fitting that one of the new European Parliament’s first acts was to express solidarity with Ukraine through this resolution. However, I am very disappointed that the same sense of urgency was not accorded to the ongoing genocide in Gaza. The proposal from Sinn Féin’s group to hold a debate on Palestine was rejected by the majority of MEPs. This perpetuates the double standard that the EU institutions have shown towards the two conflicts.